strife in NATO: Athens and Skopje divided by Macedonia strife in NATO: Athens and Skopje Macedonia divided by
After the Bucharest Summit of NATO in April 2008, many hoped that the "nominal dispute" between the Republic of Macedonia - FYROM and Greece could be resolved by the end of the year. So it was not, and despite the importance of the stakes, the possibility of resolving the dispute remain very uncertain.
status of negotiations
The last formula put forward by mediator Matthew Nimetz to meet the needs of both countries, proposes the name Republic of Macedonia Skopje North. It is a formula accepted in principle by both governments, but to Athens any agreement should also include the terms which describe the language and nationality of the inhabitants of FYROM, which in any case, according to the Greeks, they can be considered as simply "Macedonia." This should also include the deletion of references to the Macedonian people contained in the constitution, a gesture that no political leader in Skopje can do without being accused of selling out the identity of his people.
Indeed Athens and Skopje are divided by sharply different interpretations of regional history and in this sense, the contest is fraught with implications Macedonian identity. If the Macedonians for the recognition of their state as Macedonia is a question of national dignity, change the name for the Greek means to confirm the "Greeks" of Greek Macedonia and its inhabitants, also invalidating the request of cultural rights for the Macedonian minority Northern Greece, which the Hellenic perspective is nothing but a community "slavofona" with a Greek national consciousness. A step
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After the agreement Interim of 1995, economic relations between the two countries remained good. Greece is one of the main economic partners of the FYROM and is one of the first countries to foreign direct investment. Political relations are rather fluctuating because of the "concerned face." Prevent the integration of Skopje in international organizations of which Greece is a member, it seems the only weapon left to Athens to bring the name Macedonia to accept a compromise in this way, Athens also wants to bring the dispute to the nominal center of attention International, interrupting the delaying tactics of its northern neighbor.
The Macedonian government will aim to separate the dispute over As from the euro-Atlantic integration process, carrying out necessary reforms and hope that over time the name issue would have lost any remaining interest in international diplomacy. Macedonian leaders were encouraged by the increasing number of countries that recognize the small Balkan Republic with its constitutional name, consider the case of the United States, which initially recognized as Skopje Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, but have opted for the Republic of Macedonia during the Bush administration. The stiffening
greek seems to have marked a setback for this tactic, especially since the lack of resolution of the dispute would have significant consequences for Skopje. The Macedonia was granted candidate status for EU integration in 2005, but accession negotiations have not yet begun and various European leaders made it clear that resolving the dispute with Greece is a prerequisite for this purpose. Added to this is that the deadlock could also have consequences on the internal balance of Macedonia, encouraging radical wing of the Albanian minority to raising the level of their claims, the Albanian Democratic Party recently called for the discussion of a new agreement for the protection Albanian community, judging insufficient guarantees offered by the Ohrid. The Albanian parties see less emotion the possibility of reaching a compromise with Athens and do not seem willing to give euro-Atlantic integration only for a name.
The continuing dispute would have negative consequences for Greece, which threatens to isolate itself from its EU partners and NATO, a little concerned by the issue of the name, and induced to go along with the positions Hellenic mainly due to the threat of veto. Athens is likely to reiterate the image of the country "uncooperative" spread in the early 90s, just because of its policy towards Skopje. The U.S. would like to integrate Macedonia into NATO by 2010 and at least did not hide their annoyance, the rest of the Hellenic Government interpreted as a punishment Washington's decision not to include Greece in the visa waiver program, which would allow Greek citizens to enter the U.S. without a visa.
The weight of domestic policy
The background and the susceptibility of the respective public opinions explaining the reluctance of political leaders of both countries to reach a compromise solution. The recent election as President of FYROM Gjorgji Ivanov could be an encouraging factor, as both the prime minister that the president is an expression of right-wing party VMRO-DPMNE. The previous cohabitation between Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski and the right of the President Branko Crvenkovski made it difficult for a social democratic solution because, under the semi-Macedonian system, it should have the consent of both. However
Gruevski's will to submit to referendum any solution acceptable to Greece seems to conceal a substantial refusal to accept designation of a compromise, given that polls show a widespread reluctance on the part of Macedonia to change its constitutional name. In parallel, the intention of the members of the VMRO-DPMNE to spend millions of euro, at a time of economic crisis, to erect a statue of Alexander the Great in the center of Skopje is not a gesture of goodwill in respect of Greece, who reads the purpose of adopting a heritage that Athens is considering his exclusive property.
On the Greek side things do not seem to be less complex: Greece is experiencing a severe political and economic crisis, plus repeated episodes of corruption. Weakened by scandals, protests, and the specter of recession, the center-right government seems inclined to make extensive use dell'armamentario nationalism. With the cabinet reshuffle of the beginning of January was appointed culture minister Antonis Samaras, who in the early 90s has prevented a compromise with Greece, Skopje, and he has also just "predicted" the next great division between the FYROM Greater Albania and Bulgaria. His new job does not give the influence enjoyed as foreign minister, but the government once again is hung on a slender parliamentary majority: a total of 300 Members of Parliament in Athens, only 151 voted for the final budget package, a figure which gives a immense power to anyone who wants to prevent the permanent closure of the inexhaustible Macedonian question.
© AffarInternazionali
source http://www.loccidentale.it/articolo/la+disputa+del+nome+tra+atene+e+skopje+.0072750
